Rauschning's
Phony 'Conversations
With Hitler':
An Update
Mark Weber
One of the most widely quoted sources
of information about Hitler's personality and secret intentions is the supposed
memoir of Hermann Rauschning, the National Socialist President of the Danzig
Senate in 1933-1934 who was ousted from the Hitler movement a short time later
and then made a new life for himself as a professional anti-Nazi.
In the book known in German as Conversations
with Hitler (Gespraeche mit Hitler) and first published in the U.S.
in 1940 as The Voice of Destruction, Rauschning presents page after page
of what are purported to be Hitler's most intimate views and plans for the
future, allegedly based on dozens of private conversations between 1932 and
1934. After the war the memoir was introduced as Allied prosecution exhibit
USSR-378 at the main Nuremberg "war crimes" trial.
Among the damning quotations attributed
to Hitler by Rauschning are these memorable statements:
We must be brutal. We must regain a
clear conscience about brutality. Only then can we drive out the tenderness
from our people ... Do I propose to exterminate entire nationalities? Yes, it
will add up to that ... I naturally have the right to destroy millions of men
of inferior races who increase like vermin ... Yes, we are barbarians. We want
to be barbarians. It is an honorable title.
Hitler is also supposed to have
confided to Rauschning, an almost unknown provincial official, fantastic plans
for a German world empire that would include Africa, South America, Mexico and,
eventually, the United States.
Many prestigious historians, inculding
Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, Alan Bullock, Joachim Fest, Nora Levin and
Robert Payne, used choice quotations from Rauschning's memoir in their works of
history. Poliakov, one of the most prominent Holocaust writers, specifically
praised Rauschning for his "exceptional accuracy, while Levin, another
widely-read Holocaust historian, called him "one of the most penetrating
analysts of the Nazi period."
But not everyone has been so credulous.
Swiss historian Wolfgang Haenel spent five years diligently investigating the
memoir before announcing his findings in 1983 at a revisionist history
conference in West Germany. The renowned Conversations with Hitler, he
declared are a total fraud. The book has no value "except as a document of
Allied war propaganda."
Haenel was able to conclusively
establish that Rausching's claim to have met with Hitler "more than a
hundred times is a lie. The two actually met only four times, and never alone.
The words attributed to Hitler, he showed, were simply invented or lifted from
many different sources, including writings by Juenger and Friedrich Nietzsche.
An account of Hitler hearing voices, waking at night with convulsive shrieks and
pointing in terror at an empty corner while shouting "There, there, in the
corner!" was taken from a short story by French writer Guy de Maupassant.
The phony memoir was designed to incite
public opinion in democratic countries, especially in the United States, in
favor of war against Germany. The project was the brainchild of the
Hungarian-born journalist Emery Reves, who ran an influential anti-German press
and propaganda agency in Paris during the 1930s. Haenel has also found evidence
that a prominent British journalist named Henry Wickham-Steele helped to produce
the memoir. Wickham-Steele was a right-hand man of Sir Robert Vansittart,
perhaps the most vehemently anti-German figure in Britain.
A report about Haenel's sensational
findings appeared in the Fall 1983 issue of The Journal of Historical Review.
More recently, West Germany's most influential weekly periodicals, Die Zeit,
and Der Spiegel (7 September 1985), have run lengthy articles about
historical hoax. Der Spiegel concluded that Rauschning's Conversations
with Hitler "are a falsification, an historical distortion from the first
to the last page ... Haenel not only proves the falsification, he also shows how
the impressive surrogate was quickly compiled and which ingredients were mixed
together."
There are some valuable lessons to be
learned from the story of this sordid hoax, which took more than 40 years to
finally unmask: It shows that even the most brazen historical fraud can have a
tremendous impact if it serves important interests, that it's easier to invent a
great historical lie than to expose one and finally, that everyone should be
extremely wary of even the "authoritative" portrayals of the
emotionally-charged Hitler era.
A footnote: Readers interested in an
authentic record of Hitler's personality and private views should look into the
fascinating and wide-ranging memoir of Otto Wagener, published in August 1985 by
Yale University Press under the title Hitler: Memoirs of a Confidant.
Wagener was the first Chief of Staff of the SA ("stormtroopers") and
Director of the Economic-Political Department of the National Socialist Party.
He spent hundreds of hours with Hitler between 1929 and 1932, many of them
alone.
Reproduced
From: The Journal for Historical Review (http://www.ihr.org)
Irving, Weber Speak on Hitler’s Place In History
April 2005
News from the Institute for Historical Review
British historian David Irving and IHR director Mark
Weber tackled the emotion-laden topic of Hitler’s place in history at an IHR
meeting on Sunday evening, April 17, 2005. Some 70 men and women packed a hotel
meeting room in Orange County, southern California, for the standing-room-only
event.
Click here to purchase CDs or tapes of this memorable event!
Weber, who has written extensively on twentieth-century
European history, and is a court-recognized expert on Germany’s wartime “Final
Solution” policy, spoke first. He began his 45-minute address, entitled “Is an
Objective View of Hitler Possible?,” by mentioning John F. Kennedy’s visit to
defeated and war-ravaged Germany in the summer of 1945.
After a stop at Hitler’s mountain retreat in the
Bavarian alps, the 28-year-old Kennedy wrote
in his diary that the
German leader “had in him the stuff of which legends are made,” and predicted
that “within a few years Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him
now as one of the most significant figures who ever lived.”
Kennedy was both right and wrong, said Weber. While
hatred against Hitler has endured for much more than “a few years,” he was
indeed a personality of legendary stature. Worldwide fascination with Hitler
shows no sign of diminishing, said Weber, who noted the seemingly endless stream
of books, articles, television broadcasts and motion pictures devoted to this
extraordinary man.
In 1977, Weber went on, Patrick Buchanan wrote a column
about Hitler based on John Toland’s biography, Adolf Hitler. Although
Buchanan condemned Hitler, he did note that the German leader had been a
courageous soldier during the First World War, and was a skilled political
organizer and a powerful public speaker. Ever since, Buchanan has been harshly
criticized by Jewish groups for “praising” Hitler. In our society, Weber
stressed, even factually true statements about Hitler — such as those made by
Buchanan — bring swift and harsh condemnation.
A balanced or objective portrayal of Hitler is nearly
impossible. In today’s America, the portrayal of Hitler and his regime is
grotesquely unbalanced, not only in the mass media, but even in supposedly
authoritative history books and reference works. For example, he noted, American
dictionaries routinely refer to Hitler as a “Nazi dictator,” while describing
Stalin merely as a Soviet “political leader” or “premier.” While it is certainly
true that Hitler wielded dictatorial power, said Weber, especially during the
war years, the “dictator” epithet suggests that he ruled without popular
support.
Nearly four years after Hitler had come to power, David
Lloyd George — Britain’s prime minister during World War I — made an extensive
tour of Germany. In an article published in a leading London newspaper in late
1936, the British statesman recounted what he had seen and experienced. His
description, said Weber, is difficult to reconcile with the image to which most
Americans are accustomed.
“Whatever one may think of his [Hitler’s] methods,”
wrote Lloyd George, “and they are certainly not those of a parliamentary
country, there can be no doubt that he has achieved a marvelous transformation
in the spirit of the people, in their attitude towards each other, and in their
social and economic outlook.
“He rightly claimed at Nuremberg that in four years his
movement had made a new Germany. It is not the Germany of the first decade that
followed the war — broken, dejected and bowed down with a sense of apprehension
and impotence. It is now full of hope and confidence, and of a renewed sense of
determination to lead its own life without interference from any influence
outside its own frontiers.
“There is for the first time since the war a general
sense of security. The people are more cheerful. There is a greater sense of
general gaiety of spirit throughout the land. It is a happier Germany. I saw it
everywhere, and Englishmen I met during my trip and who knew Germany well were
very impressed with the change.
“One man has accomplished this miracle. He is a born
leader of men. A magnetic and dynamic personality with a single-minded purpose,
a resolute will and a dauntless heart. He is not merely in name but in fact the
national Leader. He has made them safe against potential enemies by whom they
were surrounded. He is also securing them against the constant dread of
starvation which is one of the most poignant memories of the last years of the
[First World] War and the first years of the Peace.
“As to his popularity, especially among the youth of
Germany, there can be no manner of doubt. The old trust him; the young idolise
him. It is not the admiration accorded to a popular leader. It is the worship of
a national hero who has saved his country from utter despondence and
degradation. To those who have actually seen and sensed the way Hitler reigns
over the heart and mind of Germany, this description may appear extravagant. All
the same it is the bare truth.”
In today’s America, said Weber, outright lies about
Hitler and Third Reich Germany are widespread and unchallenged. One of the most
often repeated of these is that Hitler tried to “conquer the world.” In fact,
said Weber, Hitler put great effort into cultivating friendship with other
countries, above all with Britain. At the same time that he was earnestly
striving to avoid clashes with the United States, President Roosevelt was doing
everything in his power to push the US into war against Germany, including
broadcasting fantastic lies about Hitler and his supposed ambition to take over
the world. Weber cited
President Roosevelt’s radio address of October
27, 1941, in which he claimed that Hitler threatened the nominally neutral
United States, was plotting to take over all of South America, and was
determined to abolish all existing world religions, including Christianity, and
replace them with “an international Nazi church.”
To support their distorted portrayals of Hitler and the
Third Reich, prominent historians rely upon and cite fraudulent source
materials. A good example, said Weber, is the
supposed memoir of Hermann Rauschning, an
official in the German city-state of Danzig who broke with the National
Socialist movement in 1934-35, and then moved to France and later to the United
States. In his book, published in the US under the title The Voice of
Destruction, he presents page after page of what are purported to be
Hitler's most intimate views and secret plans for the future, allegedly based on
many private conversations between 1932 and 1934.
In fact, Weber said, Rauschning never had even a single
private talk with Hitler. All the same, lurid but fake quotes attributed to him
by Rauschning have found their way into numerous history books.
Weber held up copies of a few of the many books that
rely on Rauschning’s fraudulent “revelations,” including The Rise and Fall of
the Third Reich, by William L. Shirer, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, by
Alan Bullock, and Hitler, by Joachim Fest.
While it’s true that winners write history, that alone
does not entirely explain why Hitler and the Third Reich continue to be
portrayed in such a distorted and prejudiced way in our society. This widespread
and enduring bias with regard to Hitler and his regime, concluded Weber, is a
reflection of the Jewish-Zionist grip on American cultural and political life.
Irving on 'Faking’ History
Weber introduced David Irving by noting that even his
adversaries concede that his knowledge of Hitler and wartime Germany is
unrivaled. The British historian is the author of numerous books on this era,
many of them best-sellers, including his monumental work, Hitler’s War.
Before and after his 45-minute address, entitled “The Faking of Adolf Hitler for
History,” Irving autographed copies of his books.
Among the many fraudulent historical documents that
have been cited over the years by “conformist” historians of the Third Reich
era, Irving said, have been the fake wartime diaries of Gerhard Engel, Hitler’s
army adjutant, and of Felix Kersten, masseur and confidant of Himmler. Similarly
unreliable is the diary of Mussolini’s foreign minister Galeazzo Ciano, which
American officials doctored after the war. Completely fake are Hitler’s supposed
“table talk” remarks from February and April 1945. Irving related that the
Swiss lawyer Francois Genoud,
now dead, admitted privately that he had fabricated them.
Irving related that many valuable documents and
research materials seized during the course of his drawn-out legal battle with
Jewish academic Deborah Lipstadt have been destroyed or “lost.”
He spoke contemptuously of the “historian incest” of
his establishment rivals, many of whom write new books about Hitler based on
earlier and equally derivative works by others who share similar prejudices.
Irving, by contrast, is known for his reliance on original documents dug out of
major archives, as well as diaries and letters obtained through great effort
from private individuals.
Review
Hitler as 'Enlightenment Intellectual':
The Enduring Allure of Hitlerism
- Hitler as Philosophe: Remnants of the
Enlightenment in National Socialism, by Lawrence Birken. Westport,
Conn.: Praeger, 1995. Hardcover. 120 pages. Reference notes. Bibliography.
Index. $45.00.
Reviewed by Mark Weber
A specter is haunting the world -- the specter of
Hitlerism. That, in short, is the stern warning of this provocative book,
written by an Assistant Professor of History at Ball State University (Indiana),
and published by Praeger, a leading US academic publisher.
In spite of decades of vehement vilification, says
author Lawrence Birken, Hitler's views have enduring and dangerous appeal -- not
because they are bizarre and alien, but precisely because they are rational and
well grounded in Western thought. In particular, Birken stresses, Hitlerism is
firmly rooted in the rationalist and scientific outlook of the 18th-century
European Enlightenment. This is not meant as a compliment, however; the author
is hostile to the West and its traditions. Rejecting the American and Western
historical legacy, Prof. Birken openly calls for a new, racially homogenized
America.
For more than half a century, Hitler and his views have
been ceaselessly demonized in motion pictures, on television and in the print
media. And yet, according to Birken, the appeal of Hitlerism remains so potent
that it threatens the ideal of a racially "redefined" America of "higher unity."
As traditional standards and long-established cultural, racial and religious
values come under ever greater attack, and as this country's racial and cultural
crisis becomes ever more acute, Birken fears that those who are unwilling to
accept the "redefined" society that is developing in America and Europe will
turn in ever greater numbers to Hitler's alternative vision of society.
Hitlerism, Birken says, will loom ever larger as a dangerously seductive "siren
song."
The author has no doubt made a sincere effort to
provide an informed and objective look at Hitler and his views. But even if we
overlook the numerous misspellings of proper names and titles, and the often
polemical prose style, this is a badly flawed work. Birken's understanding of
what Hitler really thought and believed is both limited and skewed.
This is due in large part to the author's exclusive
reliance on English translations of Hitler's writings and speeches (apparently
he cannot read German), and a naive trust in unreliable secondary studies. These
include Robert Waite's The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler (1977), a
sensationalistic psychodramatization, and Hermann Rauschning's Revolution of
Nihilism (1939), a thoroughly discredited diatribe. (See "Rauschning's Phony
'Conversations With Hitler': An Update," Winter 1985 Journal, pp. 499-500.)
Birken also quotes repeatedly from The Testament of
Adolf Hitler: The Hitler-Bormann Documents, supposedly a transcript of "table
talk" remarks made by Hitler in February and April 1945. These "documents" are
fake, says British historian David Irving, who reports that the late Swiss
banker François Genoud admitted to him that he was the author.
'A Genuine Intellectual'
Reflecting the ideological perspective that prevails in
the Western world today, scholars of Hitler and Third Reich Germany have tended
to dismiss the German leader's intellectual outlook as simplistic and crude --
or even crazy. Many play down or simply deny Hitler's place in Western culture
"as a means of sanitizing that culture," says Birken. "But if we are to read
Hitler neither to condemn nor to praise but merely to understand, then we come
away with a very different conclusion about his place in European history."
Scholars and others have made a major mistake in
failing to take Hitler seriously as a thinker, argues Birken, who believes that
the German political leader "must be regarded as a genuine intellectual" on a
par with Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud. Birken's assessment is not as startling as
many might believe. As he notes, as early as 1953, British historian Hugh R.
Trevor-Roper "evoked the image of Hitler as a kind of synthesis of Spengler and
Napoleon, noting that of all world conquerors the German leader had been the
most 'philosophical'..." More recently, German historian Rainer Zitelmann
established in a study of impressive scholarship that Hitler's outlook was
rational, self-consistent and "modern." (R. Zitelmann, Hitler: Selbtsverständnis
eines Revolutionärs [second edition, 1989].)
Moreover, Hitler's outlook was very much a part of the
Western intellectual tradition. In his "combination of an almost religious faith
with a revolutionary secularism," writes Birken, "Hitler represented the
continuation of an essentially Enlightenment style of thought... Nazism, and
especially Hitler's exposition of it, represented an attenuated and popularized
form of the Enlightenment style of thought."
Hitler had a gift for presenting his message in an
attractive, accessible form. Writes Birken:
The most attractive feature of Hitler's ideology
was thus its optimism. It was not merely his mood but his message that
carried an infectious excitement. He was a secular messiah proclaiming a
Germanic version of the "good news." The possibility of class
reconciliation, the plans for a national revival, the identification of a
universal enemy whose elimination would usher in the millennium, all stirred
his audiences to the very depths. Hitler spoke the language of the
[Enlightenment] philosophes, a language that had almost passed out of
existence in the rarefied strata of the grand intelligentsia.
However, placing Hitler and Hitlerism in the
intellectual tradition of the West, Birken continues, "should do less to raise
our opinion" of Hitlerism, than to "lower our opinion" of "the intellectual
history of the West."
Economic Views
Hitler's economic worldview, writes Birken, was
likewise rational, self-consistent, progressive, and entirely in keeping with
Western tradition. "Hitler's economic ideas were also permeated by Enlightenment
notions of progress," and were "closer to Ricardo and Marx than to Machiavelli
or Keynes." Birken adds:
...A careful reading of his speeches and writings
suggests that he was neither a mercantilist nor a Keynesian, neither a
medievalist nor a marginalist. Rather... his economic ideas fit all too well
into the classical-physiocratic style of thought.
Hitler believed that social and national
considerations, not economic ones, should be paramount in society. The economic
and political system must serve the nation, not the other way around. Thus,
Birken points out, while "political economy played an important role in his
thinking," Hitler
did not restore the primacy of the state after all
but, quite the contrary, subordinated the state itself to a dynamic of
aggressive technological and cultural expansion. In doing this, Hitler also
asserted himself against the last remnants of aristocratic civility at the
same time that he opposed the emerging relativism of consumer culture.
As Birken explains, Hitler believed that "all growth
could be traced to individual effort -- but only at the service of the common
good. He thus tempered what might be taken as a 'libertarian' definition of
inventiveness with a somber collectivism." Believing that socially useful
creativity was "the product of individual geniuses of high personality value,"
Hitler supported equal social opportunity for all, and opposed legal and social
barriers to individual economic achievement and success. Governmental and social
policies, he believed, should encourage merit-based social mobility.
Hitler was critical of both capitalism and Marxism --
the first because it was "insufficiently democratic," and the latter because it
was "too democratic" or "leveling." While supporting economic growth across
national boundaries, "Hitler also took what he considered to be a conservative
stand against the coming hyper-commercialism of an emerging global economy."
Views on Race and Religion
Although he is endlessly castigated as "the most
notorious racist of the twentieth century," Hitler's racial views were actually
quite in harmony with mainstream 19th- and early 20th-century European thinking.
"It should be obvious," writes Birken, "that Hitler possessed a 'classical'
theory of race which dovetailed nicely with his classical notions of political
economy."
Far from being aberrant or bizarre, his views on race
were consistent with those of most prominent Westerners in the decades before
the Second World War. And while Birken does not specifically mention it,
Hitler's racial views were comparable to those of Thomas Jefferson, Theodore
Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and Winston Churchill.
Contrary to popular belief, Hitler never supported
notions of breeding a homogenous blond "hyper-Aryan" race. Accepting the reality
that the German population consisted of several distinct sub-racial groups, he
stressed the German people's national and social unity. A certain degree of
racial variety was desirable, he thought, and too much racial blending or
homogeneity could be harmful because it would homogenize and thus eliminate
superior as well as inferior genetic traits.
Hitler believed that "both conservative prudery and
radical eroticism" harmed society, and he opposed birth control because it
tended to lower the genetic quality of the society that practices it.
While he was critical of Christianity, Hitler was no
atheist. "The religion of Hitlerism was thus essentially a kind of deism,"
concludes Birken. Like Thomas Jefferson and other prominent early American
leaders, Hitler equated God with "the dominion of natural laws throughout the
whole universe." Thus, "for Hitler, national socialism was natural socialism."
Attitude Toward Jews
It is "of course, a great mistake to see anti-Semitism
as a rejection of Enlightenment values," writes Birken. "On the contrary, the
Enlightenment simply secularized rather than destroyed traditional Judeophobia."
(No Western thinker was more outspokenly anti-Jewish than Voltaire, the great
French philosophe, who regarded the Jews as "enemies of mankind.") The
Enlightenment concept of social "fraternity," Birken writes, demands social
solidarity, which implies that Jews, as an alien and self-absorbed people,
cannot fit in.
Hitler's hostile attitude toward Jews, Birken writes,
was neither irrational nor aberrant. He saw "Jews as the personification of a
great lie": that is, while they pretended to be merely a religious community, in
fact they constituted a self-selected national-ethnic group with international
ambitions. Because he regarded the Jews as the enemies of all peoples, Hitler
held that combatting Jewish power and influence should be the common duty of all
nations -- a view that Birken calls an expression of "Germanic universalism."
The United States
Hitler's attitude toward the United States was mixed.
He saw much to admire in 18th- and 19th-century America, and as Birken notes, he
praised this country's pre-1940s pro-White racial policies, its restrictions on
non-White immigration, and its pioneering adoption of eugenics measures.
But Hitler also saw ominous trends during the 1920s and
1930s. Echoing the views of American industrialist Henry Ford, he was dismayed
by the spectacular growth of Jewish power and cultural influence, and regarded
Franklin Roosevelt's "New Deal" administration as a virtual revolution in
American life, through which Jews largely usurped the country's traditional
ruling class.
A Persistent Allure
The defeat of Germany in 1945, Birken rightly notes,
"clearly marked a watershed" in world history, and especially for the West:
In a real sense, Hitler's defeat implicitly became
the defeat of the European nation-state and the Enlightenment values that
underpinned it. Germany's heirs, the United States and the Soviet Union,
were both fundamentally transnational, multiracial empires whose territories
were seemingly unlimited.
As a result, for half a century we have been living in
what Birken calls a "consumer capitalist" world in which "the hierarchical order
of sex and race which had originally sustained bourgeois nationalism has been
disintegrating" and in which "the increasing relativization of values is
encouraged by the ever greater globalization of the economy and consequent
emergence of a multinational business elite."
This new world order is less durable than it might
appear, says Birken. The recent collapse of the multi-ethnic, multi-racial
Soviet Union, he warns, portends similar problems for the American empire. Even
a mere contraction of the economy could threaten "to dissolve the United States
into several races." In Birken's view, racial nationalism threatens "the
continued existence of the United States." He warns:
What Hitler said in the thirties is thus what our
racial nationalists are saying today: namely, that a genuinely inclusive
multiracial nation violates the natural order of things. The United States
must either be a white-dominated state or a collection of breakaway
republics made up of this or that group.
In short: if Hitler was right, America is an
increasingly unnatural and artificial construct that does not deserve to
survive, and will not survive.
Birken fears that Hitlerism will become ever more
attractive to those who reject today's supra-national "consumer capitalism," and
who resist the rapidly emerging "genuinely inclusive multiracial" order. This
alternative vision has appeal beyond America and Europe, Birken believes. As he
notes, Hitler's fight against the British empire -- a war he actually never
sought nor wanted -- "won him [Hitler] the admiration of colonial peoples from
Ireland to India ..."
A New 'Cosmic' Nation
Birken concludes his book with a fervent call for "the
gradual formation of an American race as a higher synthesis. Then the Americans
will truly constitute a universal or 'cosmic' people." In Birken's view, the
"race myth" and Hitlerism "will continue to tempt us" unless Americans "can be
given a genuine metaphysical foundation." This "metaphysical foundation" must be
to "uncreate race" through massive racial mixing. Therefore, Birken writes, "we
should not be afraid of that dirty little word, 'miscegenation'." (Consistent
with this vision, President Bill Clinton, in his much-discussed June 14, 1997,
speech in San Diego on race relations, openly proclaimed the goal of making
America "the world's first truly multiracial democracy.")
Given the reluctance of many Americans, particularly
conservative Whites, to warmly embrace this new "universal" nation, Birken says
"we must have an education system that is able to instill this redefinition of
American culture."
"Before we try uniting the world," Birken concludes,
"let us try uniting ourselves. Until we do so, the siren song of Hitlerism will
call to us."
Stark Alternatives
To anyone who views the past with an open mind, history
demonstrates the utterly fantastic nature of the goal laid out by Prof. Birken
(and President Clinton) -- a vision no less utopian than Marxian Communism. In
any case, to meld the American population into a "universal" racial-cultural
entity would require government repression on a scale unimaginable today.
Few Americans today are able or willing to fully grasp
the enormous implications of the radical program that intellectuals such as
Birken (and political leaders such as Clinton) are spelling out for our future.
But once they do (and as Prof. Birken fears) many will likely turn to Hitlerism
as an alternative to the official prevailing ideology. The decades-long campaign
of vilification of Hitler and Third Reich Germany may actually contribute to
this by convincing millions of Americans that Hitlerism is the antithesis of the
Establishment's ideology, and thus the only real alternative.
In spite of its defects, Hitler as Philosophe
effectively dispels some widely-held misconceptions about Hitler and Hitlerism,
acknowledges the critical importance of the race issue, and boldly spells out
stark alternatives for the future of America and Europe. For this the author
deserves credit.
From The Journal of Historical Review, Sept.-
Oct. 1997 (Vol. 16, No. 5), pages 34-37.
The Voice of Destruction
by Hermann Rauschning
This work was published by G.P. Putnam's Sons in NY in
1940 (viii + 295 pp.). The UK version is known as Hitler Speaks
(Thornton Butterworth, London, 1939 & 1940, 287 pp.); in German it's
Conversations with Hitler (Gespräche mit
Hitler), Europa Verlag, Zürich-New York,
1940. This is a remarkable volume, providing a well-spring of innumerable
quotations regarding Hitler and National Socialism (NS) in the Establishment
media and forming therefore the basis of belief for millions.
But what is remarkable about it is just how ridiculous
it is. It's yellow journalism at its worst, taking short snippets of speeches
and publications and throwing in a mixture of fantastic, stock "bad guy"
elements and stories cribbed from novelists like Guy de Maupassant (the
figure-crouching-in-the-corner motif, p. 256), Ernst Jünger and Fyodor
Dostoyevsky with some Friedrich Nietzsche. About the only thing missing here is
the "exterminating the Poles for living space" of Nuremburg Doc. No. L-3,
although portions still come close.
I can't resist quoting here the entire preface
which is supposed to convince us of the book's bona fides:
These conversations with Hitler took place in
the last year before his seizure of power and the first two years (1933
and '34) of the National Socialist regime. The writer jotted them down
under the immediate influence of what he had heard.
Much may be regarded as practically a
verbatim report. Here, in the circle of his
intimates, Hitler speaks openly about his innermost ideas—ideas which
have been kept secret from the masses.
Only in exclusive circles is it known what
Hitler really intends and what National Socialism is. Only among close
friends has Hitler given free expression to his political and social
aims. It is in such exclusive circles that I myself have heard them from
his own lips.
To have published these conversations only six
months ago, would have earned me at that time an
accusation of malicious invention and
defamation. Even hints which left the
essentials unspoken aroused surprise and suspicion. As the author of
The Revolution of Nihilism, I was repeatedly criticized because my
statements contradicted the clear statement of National Socialist aims
in Mein Kampf, for example, with regard to an alliance between
National Socialism and Soviet Russia. As long as National Socialism was
seen as nothing more than a German nationalist movement aiming at the
removal of some of the worst features of the Versailles Peace Treaty, no
one took seriously my frank revelation of the real aims of Hitler. Not
until today is the world prepared to accept the truth:
that Hitler and his movement are the
apocalyptic riders of world annihilation.
From that alone, its accuracy and historical legitimacy
is asserted without the slightest proof of any kind. Elsewhere, Rauschning (a
minor provincial official, having been the president of the Danzig senate)
stated that he had spoken to Hitler "hundreds of times", often alone, and he was
thus privy to the innermost workings of Hitler's mind. We now know, thru the
excellent scholarship of Swiss historian Wolfgang Haenel that this is bunk, that
Rauschning had met with Hitler only four times maximum, and never alone.
Rauschning simply lied. Ghost writers helping him with this lie-book were from
France (Emery Reeves, originally from Hungary, as editor with perhaps another
ghost writer) and England (Henry Wickham-Steele, the right-hand man of notorious
German-hater Sir Robert Vansittart). { SOURCE
and
SOURCE }. The
unfortunate result was three generations of gullible readers believing at face
value this hack "journalism" about Uncle Adolf. A few Establishment historians,
like Ian Kershaw, have discounted this "memoir", but most continue to quote it,
e.g., William L. Shirer (The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich),
Alan Bullock (Hitler: A Study in Tyranny), Joachim Fest (Hitler),
Leon Poliakov, Gerhard Weinberg, Nora Levin and Robert Payne.
It's hard to imagine how anyone could have given this
book any credibility. Rauschning wrote a book the year before called THE
REVOLUTION OF NIHILISM (1938) in which he never claimed to have met Hitler more
than 3 or 4 times, and gets through almost 500 pages before he even describes
meeting him at all! The fact that this "600-pound gorilla in the room" was
ignored proves the basic dishonesty of the Establishment press. All of this was
used as part of the pretext to start a war in which millions of innocents died.
Rauschning's writings were presented as Allied
prosecution exhibit USSR-378 at the International Military Tribunal at
Nuremberg, giving some idea of the quality of "evidence" presented at that
trial! Rather tellingly, Rauschning himself was not asked to testify.
This book has been quoted like Biblical chapter and
verse for decades. Now read the whole thing thing for yourself and laugh at
this clumsy bit of anti-National Socialist propaganda.
Start thru Part I—1932.
Part II—1933.
Part III—1934 (1).
Part III was arbitrarily split
into 3 sections for convenience.
Part III—1934 (2).
Part III—1934 (3).
WHOLE BOOK AS ONE PDF.
(650k)
So . . . what sources should you look at to get
informed views of Germany's former Führer and NS? A short list. Hundreds of
citations could be made:
THE TWENTY-FIVE POINTS OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM
by the NSDAP, 1920/28
A Straight Look At The Third Reich
by Austin J. App, Ph.D. (1974)
The Young Hitler
I Knew by August Kubizek. Or...whole
thing as a PDF
UNDER TWO FLAGS
by Heinz Weichardt.
PDF version
GERMANY AND ENGLAND
by Nesta Webster (1938)
LIFE
IN THE THIRD REICH a speech by Friedrich
Kurreck
WITNESS TO HISTORY by
Michael Walsh (or
446k PDF, but stops at ch. 14)
HITLER AT MY SIDE by Lt. Gen. Hans Baur, chief
pilot to AH
THE GERMAN REVOLUTION by H. Powys Greenwood
INTO THE DARKNESS by Lothrop Stoddard
LOOK TO GERMANY: THE HEART OF EUROPE by Stanley
McClatchie
THE CASE FOR GERMANY
by Arthur Laurie (1939)
WARNINGS AND PREDICTIONS
by Viscount Rothermere (1939)
ORDEAL IN ENGLAND
by Philip Gibbs (1937)
BOLSHEVISM FROM MOSES TO LENIN
by Dietrich Eckart, friend and confidant of AH from 1919-23; AH dedicated
Mein Kampf to him
GERMANY'S HITLER by Heinz A. Heinz (1934)
HITLER: MEMOIRS OF A CONFIDANT by Otto Wagener,
first chief of staff of the Stormtroops (SA) (1985)
February 1937 National Geographic
November 1938 (UK) Homes and Gardens,
"Hitler's Mountain Home"
Also, various writings of Henry Ford and Charles
Lindbergh, both of whom had much good to say about Hitler and National
Socialism. Both received medals from the NS regime, and refused to return
them.
http://www.jrbooksonline.com/
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